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U.S. makes improbable Sunni ally in Iraq

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  • U.S. makes improbable Sunni ally in Iraq

    BAQOUBA, Iraq - Two months ago, a dozen Sunni insurgents — haggard, hungry and in handcuffs — stepped tentatively into a U.S.-Iraqi combat outpost near Baqouba and asked to speak to the commander: "We're out of ammunition, but we want to help you fight al-Qaida."


    Now hundreds of fighters from the 1920s Revolution Brigades, an erstwhile Sunni insurgent group, work as scouts and gather intelligence for the 10,000-strong American force in the fifth day of its mission to remove al-Qaida gunmen and bomb makers from the Diyala provincial capital.

    Little so well illustrates the Middle Eastern dictum: "The enemy of my enemy is my friend."

    And as it struggles in the raging heat and violence of central Iraq, the U.S. military appears to have bought into the tactic in its struggle to pull what victory it can from the increasingly troubled American mission in Iraq, under congressional pressure for a troop pullout and a presidential election campaign already in the minds of voters.

    Each U.S. Army company in Baqouba, an hour's drive northeast of Baghdad, has a scout from the Brigades, others have become a ragtag intelligence network and still others fight, said Capt. Ricardo Ortega, a 34-year-old Puerto Rico native of the 2nd Infantry Division.

    The Army has given some of the one-time insurgents special clothing — football-style jerseys with numbers on the chest — to mark them as American allies.

    U.S. commanders say help from the Brigades operatives was key to planning and executing the Baqouba operation, one of a quartet of U.S. offensives against al-Qaida on the flanks of the Iraqi capital.

    The informants have given the American troops exact coordinates of suspected al-Qaida safe houses, with details down to the color of the gate out front, said Lt. Col. Avanulas Smiley, 40, commander of the 1st Battalion, 23rd Infantry Regiment and a Tacoma, Wash., native.

    Most of the Brigades members, whom U.S. officials call "concerned local nationals," hail from eastern Baqouba, while the bulk of the fighting has so far raged in western Baqouba.

    But with contacts among fellow Sunni fighters on the city's west side, they have fed American soldiers critical information about al-Qaida positions.

    The American decision to bring insurgents into the mission has angered Shiite Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki who told visiting Defense Secretary Robert Gates last week that the tactic — getting too cozy with former enemies — would backfire.

    But U.S. officials defend the strategy, first tested in Iraq's once-volatile western Anbar province, where U.S. officials tout success in turning Sunni tribal leaders against al-Qaida.

    "We've given them a little ammo, some flares, but mostly humanitarian aid. We're not arming these guys, we're just changing the direction they're pointing their guns in," said Lt. Gen. Raymond Odierno, the U.S. ground forces commander, who made a one-day visit to the Baqouba battlefield this week.

    U.S. commanders turned down the Brigades members' request for ammunition when they straggled into the U.S. post in Buhriz two months back. American intelligence spent weeks vetting the volunteers before they started lining them up for the operation that opened in the early hours Tuesday, said Command Sgt. Maj. Jeff Huggins, a 41-year-old Honolulu native of the 2nd Infantry.

    Despite intelligence checks, there is concern that some of the Brigades men, or people close to them, tipped al-Qaida to the coming offense. Odierno said 80 percent of al-Qaida leaders managed to flee the city before American soldiers stormed into Baqouba before sunrise Tuesday.

    The troops found roads with buried bombs and booby-trapped houses across the city.

    The men who first contacted American forces in April had been picked up by Iraqi police after a bloody gunfight in nearby Buhriz, and taken to a joint U.S.-Iraqi outpost, where they asked to speak with U.S. military officials.

    Al-Maliki complained that the U.S. was turning them and other Sunni insurgent groups into nothing but better trained and armed Sunni militias that will torment the Shiite population and turn their guns on Iraqi troops and police once U.S. forces leave the district.

    The group says it abhors the killing of Iraqi security forces, and a commander, speaking on condition of anonymity out of security concerns, said his group turned against al-Qaida over just that issue.

    "We do not kill police or army members, or call for their killing," he said. "Al-Qaida threatened us for taking this stance. ... They began to kidnap and kill our fighters, so ... we began to fight back."

    That leaves open whether the men will revert to form — their history of killing American soldiers. The commander would not address this.

    The commander said his group had turned down a previous request from U.S. officials to join the fight against al-Qaida.

    "But after recent killings among our Iraqi people in the province, we decided to fight alongside Iraqi and American troops," he said.

    Maj. Gen. Abdul Karim al-Rubaie, an Iraqi army commander who works at a U.S.-Iraqi operations center for Diyala province, said his troops are comfortable working with the 1920s scouts.

    And he suggested that help from the Sunni insurgent group could lend legitimacy to the Shiite-dominated Iraqi security forces in the area. Baqouba's civilian population is majority Sunni.

    "I've found them very beneficial — they've helped us in Buhriz and Tahrir (neighborhoods of Baqouba)," said al-Rubaie, a Sunni. "They're fighting on the side of the Iraqi army with enthusiasm, and without requesting a lot of money or weapons."

    To U.S. officials here in Baqouba, the Brigades members offer a window into Sunni divisions where American forces can apply pressure.

    "They're grassroots, organized — even like neighborhood firemen — and they've decided they want a safe environment," said Brig. Gen. Mick Bednarek, deputy operations commander for the Army's 25th Infantry Division. "Will we leverage that? Darn right we will. And is it a potential risk? Sure it is — but it's one we're willing to take."


  • #2
    anbari iraqis fighting against al quaeda

    [YOUTUBE]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vpoX-CSSHW8[/YOUTUBE]

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    • #3
      the situation in iraq is way different than the situation with hezbollah. iraqis are now fighting foreign terrorists bombing their neighborhoods, while hezbolla is comprised of the very people living in south lebanon.

      the israeli-hezbollah conflict of 2006 is one of my favorite conflicts to study. so much crazy shit happened during those 30 days. so much to learn from. the whole thing was an entire lesson in guerrilla warfare. it showed that small bands of guerrillas can stand up to sophisticated armies. supposedly during this war, there groups of only 4 or 5 guerrillas fending off entire assaults and tying down tons of vehicles and soldiers.

      the most talked about subject of the war was the hezbollah anti tank weapons. they were able to hit many israeli vehicles and kill many israeli tank crew members. in the final tank assault before the ceasefire, a large number of advancing israeli tanks were hit. i think nearly half of the attacking tanks were hit before the final assault was over.

      whats crazy is that i read many articles about this conflict stating that hezbollah was now ranked higher than some actual armies due to their performance against israel, and their advanced arsenal of anti tank weapons lol......

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      • #4
        Hezbollah cracked the code
        Technology likely supplied by Iran allowed guerrillas to stop Israeli tank assaults
        BY MOHAMAD BAZZI
        Newsday Middle East Correspondent


        September 18, 2006
        AITA SHAAB, Lebanon -- Hezbollah guerrillas were able to hack into Israeli radio communications during last month's battles in south Lebanon, an intelligence breakthrough that helped them thwart Israeli tank assaults, according to Hezbollah and Lebanese officials.

        Using technology most likely supplied by Iran, special Hezbollah teams monitored the constantly changing radio frequencies of Israeli troops on the ground. That gave guerrillas a picture of Israeli movements, casualty reports and supply routes. It also allowed Hezbollah anti-tank units to more effectively target advancing Israeli armor, according to the officials.

        Click here to find out more!
        "We were able to monitor Israeli communications, and we used this information to adjust our planning," said a Hezbollah commander involved in the battles, speaking on the condition of anonymity. The official refused to detail how Hezbollah was able to intercept and decipher Israeli transmissions. He acknowledged that guerrillas were not able to hack into Israeli communications around the clock.

        The Israeli military refused to comment on whether its radio communications were compromised, citing security concerns. But a former Israeli general, who spoke on the condition of anonymity, said Hezbollah's ability to secretly hack into military transmissions had "disastrous" consequences for the Israeli offensive.

        "Israel's military leaders clearly underestimated the enemy and this is just one example," he said.

        Dodging the efforts

        Like most modern militaries, Israeli forces use a practice known as "frequency-hopping" - rapidly switching among dozens of frequencies per second - to prevent radio messages from being jammed or intercepted. It also uses encryption devices to make it difficult for enemy forces to decipher transmissions even if they are intercepted. The Israelis mostly rely on a U.S.-designed communication system called the Single Channel Ground and Airborne Radio System.

        Hezbollah's ability to intercept and decode Israeli transmissions underscores how the Shia group had higher military capabilities than many Israeli and U.S. officials thought.

        Much of Hezbollah's capability is believed to have come from its two main backers, Iran and Syria.

        During 34 days of fighting, which ended Aug. 14 under a cease-fire brokered by the United Nations, Hezbollah repeatedly surprised Israel by deploying new types of missiles and battlefield tactics.

        "The Israelis did not realize that they were facing a guerrilla force with the capabilities of a regular army," said a senior Lebanese security official who asked not to be identified. "Hezbollah invested a lot of resources into eavesdropping and signals interception."

        Besides radio transmissions, the official said Hezbollah also monitored cell phone calls among Israeli troops. But cell phones are usually easier to intercept than military radio, and officials said Israeli forces were under strict orders not to divulge sensitive information over the phone.

        Hezbollah eavesdropping teams had trained Hebrew speakers who could quickly translate intercepted Israeli transmissions and relay the information to local commanders, the Hezbollah official said. Even before the war, the group had dozens of translators working in its southern Beirut offices to monitor Israeli media and phone intercepts.

        Mistakes happen

        With frequency-hopping and encryption, most radio communications become very difficult to hack. But troops in the battlefield sometimes make mistakes in following secure radio procedures and can give an enemy a way to break into the frequency-hopping patterns. That might have happened during some battles between Israel and Hezbollah, according to the Lebanese official. Hezbollah teams likely also had sophisticated reconnaissance devices that could intercept radio signals even while they were frequency-hopping.

        During one raid in southern Lebanon, Israeli special forces said they found a Hezbollah office equipped with jamming and eavesdropping devices. Israeli officials said the base also had detailed maps of northern Israel, lists of Israeli patrols along the border and cell phone numbers for Israeli commanders.

        That raid highlighted the ongoing spy war between Hezbollah and Israel. Since Israeli troops withdrew from southern Lebanon in May 2000 - after an 18-year occupation and guerrilla war with Hezbollah - the militia has stepped up its espionage efforts against Israel. According to Israeli military officials, a special Hezbollah unit recruits Israeli Arabs and others to spy for it. The agents are assigned to obtain maps, monitor Israeli patrols, gather cell phone numbers and photograph military facilities. This information is used to draw up detailed maps and files that could be used to direct Hezbollah's rocket and missile attacks.

        "After the Israeli withdrawal in 2000, each side competed to spy on the other," said Nizar Qader, a retired Lebanese army general who is now an independent military analyst. "This intelligence-gathering was essential to fighting a war ... Hezbollah appears to have collected better information than the Israelis."

        After Hezbollah abducted two Israeli soldiers in a cross-border raid on July 12, Israel launched its most intense attack since it invaded Lebanon in 1982. The offensive crippled the country's infrastructure, displaced 1 million people, cut off Lebanon from the world and killed more than 1,200 Lebanese - the majority of them civilians. Hezbollah fired nearly 4,000 rockets at Israel, killing 43 civilians. Of the 119 Israeli soldiers killed, the majority were killed by anti-tank missiles.

        Hezbollah's ability to hack into Israeli communications made its arsenal of anti-tank missiles even more deadly by improving the targeting. Throughout the ground war, Hezbollah deployed well-trained anti-tank teams to transport these missiles and fire them in ways that would inflict heavy casualties on Israeli forces. The units were made up of four to six fighters who moved around mostly on foot.

        The militia used four kinds of sophisticated missiles that enabled it to disable - and, in some cases, destroy - Israel's most powerful armor: Merkava tanks. The Merkava is reinforced with several tons of armor, a virtual fortress on tracks intended to ensure its crew's survival on the battlefield.

        All the missiles used by Hezbollah are relatively easy to transport and can be fired by a single guerrilla or a two-person team. They all rely on armor-piercing warheads. The most prevalent of Hezbollah's anti-tank weapons is the Russian made RPG-29, a powerful variation on a standard rocket-propelled grenade. The RPG-29 has a range of 500 yards.

        Using all their capabilities

        Hezbollah also used three other potent anti-tank missiles, according to Israeli and Lebanese officials: the Russian-made Metis, which has a range of 1 mile and can carry high-explosive warheads; the Russian-built Kornet, which has a range of 3 miles and thermal sights for tracking the heat signatures of tanks, and the European-built MILAN (a French acronym for Anti-Tank Light Infantry Missile), which has a range of 1.2 miles, a guidance system and the ability to be fired at night.

        Israeli officials say the Kornet and RPG-29 were provided to Hezbollah by Syria, which bought them from Russia in the late 1990s. Russian officials are investigating whether Syria violated an agreement that these weapons would not be transferred to a third party.

        Analysts say Hezbollah used all its capabilities - eavesdropping, anti-tank missiles and guerrilla fighting skills - to maximum effect.

        "The information collected by signals intercepts was being used to help direct fighters on the battlefield," Qader said. "These are tactics of a modern army."

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        • #5
          another crazy event in the conflict was the very event that started it. did you ever read about the assault that started this war? supposedly hezbollah attacked israel to divert israeli attention away from an upcoming assault in the gaza strip after an israeli soldier was kidnapped.

          At around 9:00 a.m. local time (06:00 UTC), on 12 July 2006, Hezbollah initiated a diversionary Katyusha rocket and mortar attack on Israeli military positions and border villages, including Zar'it and Shelomi.[4][5][6][7][8][9]

          A ground contingent of Hezbollah fighters crossed the border into Israeli territory and attacked two Israeli armoured Humvees patrolling on the Israeli side of the Israel-Lebanon border between the villages of Zar'it and Shtula (Shetula). The attackers took advantage of a "dead zone" in the border fence not visible from any of the IDF lookout posts and may have used a wheeled ladder to climb the fence.[4] After hiding in a wadi on the Israeli side of the fence they attacked with a combination of pre-positioned explosives and anti-tank missiles. The team knocked out the trailing Humvee, killing three soldiers inside, and capture two soldiers from the first vehicle.[3] "Another soldier was seriously wounded, another lightly wounded and a third suffered a shrapnel scratch." The entire incident took no more than 10 minutes.[4]

          A total of seven army posts "reported taking fire at the same time, coordinated attacks that knocked out surveillance cameras." The attack had knocked out command communications with the convoy. Twenty minutes passed until Staff Sgts. Ehud Goldwasser, 31, and Eldad Regev, 26, were confirmed to be missing from the first vehicle, while the gunmen "fled through olive orchards to the Lebanese border village of Aita al-Shaab."[3]

          Lt. Col. Ishai Efroni, deputy commander of the Baram Brigade, sent a Merkava Mark II tank, an armored personnel carrier and a helicopter in pursuit.[3] Crossing into Lebanon,[10] they headed down a dirt track lined with Lebanese border defenses.[3] When it "unexpectedly veered onto the road near a known Hezbollah post" the resulting blast was "enormous, killing the four soldiers inside instantly."[3][11] A fifth soldier died during an ensuing firefight while attempting to recover the bodies from the tanks.

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